ASHTADHYAYI

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Ashtadhyayi




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    Pāṇini


    Pāṇini
    Born 4th century BC
    Gandhara
    Region Indian philosophy
    Main interests Sanskrit grammar
    Books Ashtadhyayi (lit. "Eight Chapters"), the earliest known treatise on descriptive linguistics, that defines Classical Sanskrit

    Pāṇini (fl. 4th century BCE[1][2]) (Sanskrit: पाणिनि, IPA: [pɑːɳin̪i]; a patronymic meaning "descendant of Paṇi"), or Panini, was a Sanskrit grammarian from ancient India.[3] He was born in Pushkalavati, Gandhara, in the modern-day Charsadda of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan.[1][2]

    Pāṇini is known for his Sanskrit grammar, particularly for his formulation of the 3,959 rules[2] of Sanskrit morphology, syntax and semantics in the grammar known as Ashtadhyayi (अष्टाध्यायी Aṣṭādhyāyī, meaning "eight chapters"), the foundational text of the grammatical branch of the Vedanga, the auxiliary scholarly disciplines of Vedic religion [Hinduism] .

    The Ashtadhyayi is one of the earliest known grammars of Sanskrit, although Pāṇini refers to previous texts like the Unadisutra, Dhatupatha, and Ganapatha.[2] It is the earliest known work on descriptive linguistics, and together with the work of his immediate predecessors (Nirukta, Nighantu, Pratishakyas) stands at the beginning of the history of linguistics itself. His theory of morphological analysis was more advanced than any equivalent Western theory before the mid 20th century,[4] and his analysis of noun compounds still forms the basis of modern linguistic theories of compounding, which have borrowed Sanskrit terms such as bahuvrihi and dvandva.

    Pāṇini's comprehensive and scientific theory of grammar is conventionally taken to mark the end of the period of Vedic Sanskrit, introducing the period of Classical Sanskrit.


    Ashtadhyayi Date and context


    Nothing definite is known about when Pāṇini lived, nor even in which century he lived. Most scholarship suggests a 4th-century BC floruit (corresponding to the Pushkalavati site in Gandhara), contemporary to the Nanda Dynasty ruling the Gangetic plain, but a 5th or even late 6th century BC date cannot be ruled out with certainty.[citation needed] Pāṇini's grammar defines Classical Sanskrit, so Pāṇini by definition lived at the end of the Vedic period. He notes a few special rules, marked chandasi ("in the hymns") to account for forms in the Vedic scriptures that had fallen out of use in the spoken language of his time. These indicate that Vedic Sanskrit was already archaic, but still a comprehensible dialect.

    An important hint for the dating of Pāṇini is the occurrence of the word yavanānī (यवनानी) (in 4.1.49, either "Greek woman", or "Greek script").[5] Some Greeks, such as the Persian admiral Scylax of Caryanda were present in Gandhara as co-citizens of the Persian empire, well before the conquests of Alexander the Great in the 330s BC;[6] the name could also have been transmitted via Old Persian yauna, and the administrative languages Elamite or Aramaic, so that the occurrence of yavanānī taken in isolation allows for a terminus post quem as early as 519 BC, i.e. the time of Darius the Great's Behistun inscription that includes the Indian province of Gandara (Sanskrit Gandhāra).

    It is not certain whether Pāṇini used writing for the composition of his work, though it is generally agreed that he knew of a form of writing, based on references to words such as "script" and "scribe" in his Ashtadhyayi.[7] These must have referred to Aramaic or early Kharosthi writing.[citation needed] It is believed by some that a work of such complexity would have been difficult to compile without written notes, though others have argued that he might have composed it with the help of a group of students whose memories served him as 'notepads' (as is typical in Vedic learning). Writing first reappears[citation needed] in India in the form of the Brāhmī script from c. the 3rd century BC in the Ashokan inscriptions.

    While Pāṇini's work is purely grammatical and lexicographic, cultural and geographical inferences can be drawn from the vocabulary he uses in examples, and from his references to fellow grammarians, which show he was a northwestern person. New deities referred to in his work include Vasudeva (4.3.98). The concept of dharma is attested in his example sentence (4.4.41) dharmam carati "he observes the law" (cf. Taittiriya Upanishad 1.11).


    Ashtadhyayi Later biographical traditions and modern reception

    Nothing certain is known about Pāṇini's personal life. According to the Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali, his mother's name was Dākṣī.[8] Patañjali calls Pāṇini as Dākṣīputra (meaning son of Dākṣī) at several places int the Mahābhāṣya.[8] As per later traditions, his maternal uncle's name was Vyāḍi.[9] Some scholars suggest that his brother's name was Piṅgala.[10] Not much is known about his father, whose name has been suggested as Paṇi,[citation needed] but most scholars reject this suggestion.[citation needed] As per Rambhadracharya, the name of his father was Paṇina, from which the name Pāṇini derives.[8]

    Panini is believed to have been born in Gandhara. Based on the Mahābhāṣya, it is believed that Śalātura was the birthplace of Pāṇini. In the Ashtadhyayi also, the place Śalātura is mentioned.[8] According to Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang), a statue of him existed at Śalātura, the place of his birth.[11] Some writers identify Śalātura with the Shalatur village near Taxila in what is now the Punjab province of Pakistan.[12]

    More than a thousand years after he lived, the Pañcatantra mentioned that Pāṇini was killed by a lion:[13]

    Pāṇini was depicted on a five rupees Indian postage stamp in 2004.[14]


    Ashtadhyayi Ashtadhyayi


    The Ashtadhyayi (IAST: Aṣṭādhyāyī Devanagari: अष्टाध्यायी) is the central part of Pāṇini's grammar, and by far the most complex. Regarded as extremely compact without sacrificing completeness, it would become the model for later specialist technical texts or sūtras.[15] It takes material from lexical lists (Dhatupatha, Ganapatha) as input and describes algorithms to be applied to them for the generation of well-formed words. It is highly systematised and technical. Inherent in its approach are the concepts of the phoneme, the morpheme and the root. His rules have a reputation for perfection[16] — that is, they are claimed to describe Sanskrit morphology fully, without any redundancy. A consequence of his grammar's focus on brevity is its highly unintuitive structure, reminiscent of modern notations such as the "Backus–Naur Form". His sophisticated logical rules and technique have been widely influential in ancient and modern linguistics.

    The Ashtadhyayi was not the first description of Sanskrit grammar, but it surpassed its predecessor on such a monumental scale that all earlier works are now lost except for the extent to which they are mentioned by Panini. The Ashtadhyayi became the foundation of Vyākaraṇa (Sanskrit grammatical tradition), and the classical works of Sanskrit grammarians which flourished during ca. the 8th and 15th centuries (and a revival in the 17th and 18th) are essentially commentaries on Panini.

    In the Ashtadhyayi, language is observed in a manner that has no parallel among Greek or Latin grammarians. Pāṇini's grammar marks the entry of the non-sacred into Indian thought, and according to Renou and Filliozat, it then defines the linguistic expression of that thought.[17] Pāṇini made use of a technical metalanguage consisting of a syntax, morphology and lexicon. This metalanguage is organised according to a series of meta-rules, some of which are explicitly stated while others can be deduced. The two fundamental principles on which the metalanguage is based are non-redundancy, or the principle of economy, and the necessity of all the rules in the Ashtadhyayi.[18]

    The Ashtadhyayi consists of 3,959 sutras (sūtrāṇi) or rules, distributed among eight chapters, which are each subdivided into four sections or padas (pādāḥ).

    From example words in the text, and from a few rules depending on the context of the discourse, additional information as to the geographical, cultural and historical context of Pāṇini can be discerned.


    Ashtadhyayi Rules

    The first two sutras are as follows:

    1.1.1 vṛddhir ādaiC (वृद्धिरादैच् । १।१।१)
    1.1.2 adeṄ guṇaḥ (अदेङ्गुणः । १।१।२)

    In these sutras, the capital letters are special meta-linguistic Sutra 1.1.70 defines it as indicating that the preceding phoneme does not represent a list, but a single phoneme, encompassing all supra-segmental features such as accent and nasality. For further example, आत् (āT) and अत् (aT) represent आ {ā} and अ {a} respectively.

    When a sutra defines a technical term, the term defined comes at the end, so the first sutra should have properly been ādaiJ vṛddhir instead of vṛddhir ādaiC. However the order is reversed in order to have a good-luck word at the very beginning of the work; vṛddhir happens to mean 'prosperity' in its non-technical use.

    Thus the two sūtras consist of a list of phonemes, followed by a technical term; the final interpretation of the two sūtras above is thus:

    1.1.1: {ā, ai, au} are called vṛ́ddhi.
    1.1.2: {a, e, o} are called guṇa.

    At this point, one can see they are definitions of terminology: guṇa and vṛ́ddhi are the terms for the full and the lengthened ablaut grades, respectively.


    Ashtadhyayi List of IT markers

    its or anubandhas are defined in P. 1.3.2 through P. 1.3.8. These definitions refer only to items taught in the grammar or its ancillary texts such at the dhātupāţha; this fact is made clear in P. 1.3.2 by the word upadeśe, which is then continued in the following six rules by anuvṛtti, Ellipsis. As these anubandhas are metalinguistic markers and not pronounced in the final derived form, pada (word), they are elided by P. 1.3.9 tasya lopaḥ – 'There is elision of that (i.e. any of the preceding items which have been defined as an it).' Accordingly, Pāṇini defines the anubandhas as follows:

    1) Nasalized vowels, e.g. bhañjO. Cf. P. 1.3.2.

    2) A final consonant (haL). Cf. P. 1.3.3.

    2a) except a dental, m and s in verbal or nominal endings. Cf. P. 1.3.4.

    3) Initial ñi ṭu ḍu. Cf. P 1.3.5

    4) Initial of a suffix (pratyaya). Cf. P. 1.3.6.

    5) Initial palatals and cerebrals of a suffix. Cf. P. 1.3.7

    6) Initial l, ś, and k but not in a taddhita 'secondary' suffix. Cf. P. 1.3.8.

    A few examples of elements that contain its are as follows:

    • suP   nominal desinence
    • Ś-IT
      • Śi   strong case endings
      • Ślu   elision
      • ŚaP   active marker
    • P-IT
      • luP   elision
      • āP   ā-stems
        • CāP
        • ṬāP
        • ḌāP
      • LyaP   (7.1.37)
    • L-IT
    • K-IT
      • Ktvā
      • luK   elision
    • saN   Desiderative
    • C-IT
    • M-IT
    • Ṅ-IT
      • Ṅí   Causative
      • Ṅii   ī-stems
        • ṄīP
        • ṄīN
        • Ṅī'Ṣ
      • tiṄ   verbal desinence
      • lUṄ   Aorist
      • lIṄ   Precative
    • S-IT
    • GHU   class of verbal stems (1.1.20)
    • GHI   (1.4.7)

    Ashtadhyayi Auxiliary texts

    Pāṇini's Ashtadhyayi has three associated texts.

    • The Shiva Sutras are a brief but highly organized list of phonemes.
    • The Dhatupatha is a lexical list of verbal roots sorted by present class.
    • The Ganapatha is a lexical list of nominal stems grouped by common properties.

    Shiva Sutras

    The Shiva Sutras describe a phonemic notational system in the fourteen initial lines preceding the Ashtadhyayi. The notational system introduces different clusters of phonemes that serve special roles in the morphology of Sanskrit, and are referred to throughout the text. Each cluster, called a pratyāhara ends with a dummy sound called an anubandha (the so-called IT index), which acts as a symbolic referent for the list. Within the main text, these clusters, referred through the anubandhas, are related to various grammatical functions.

    Dhatupatha

    The Dhatupatha is a lexicon of Sanskrit verbal roots subservient to the Ashtadhyayi. It is organized by the ten present classes of Sanskrit, i.e. the roots are grouped by the form of their stem in the present tense.

    The ten present classes of Sanskrit are:

    1. bhū-ādayaḥ (root-full grade thematic presents)
    2. ad-ādayaḥ (root presents)
    3. ju-ho-ti-ādayaḥ (reduplicated presents)
    4. div-ādayaḥ (ya thematic presents)
    5. su-ādayaḥ (nu presents)
    6. tud-ādayaḥ (root-zero grade thematic presents)
    7. rudh-ādayaḥ (n-infix presents)
    8. tan-ādayaḥ (no presents)
    9. krī-ādayaḥ (ni presents)
    10. cur-ādayaḥ (aya presents, causatives)

    Most of these classes are directly inherited from Proto-Indo-European.[citation needed] The small number of class 8 verbs are a secondary group derived from class 5 roots, and class 10 is a special case, in that any verb can form class 10 presents, then assuming causative meaning. The roots specifically listed as belonging to class 10 are those for which any other form has fallen out of use (causative deponents, so to speak).

    Ganapatha

    The Ganapatha (gaṇapāṭha) is a list of groups of primitive nominal stems used by the Ashtadhyayi.


    Ashtadhyayi Commentary

    After Pāṇini, the Mahābhāṣya ("great commentary") of Patañjali on the Ashtadhyayi is one of the three most famous works in Sanskrit grammar. It was with Patañjali that Indian linguistic science reached its definite form. The system thus established is extremely detailed as to shiksha (phonology, including accent) and vyakarana (morphology). Syntax is scarcely touched, but nirukta (etymology) is discussed, and these etymologies naturally lead to semantic explanations. People interpret his work to be a defense of Pāṇini, whose Sūtras are elaborated meaningfully. He also attacks Katyayana rather severely. But the main contributions of Patañjali lies in the treatment of the principles of grammar enunciated by him.


    Ashtadhyayi Editions


    Ashtadhyayi Bhaṭṭikāvya


    The learning of Indian curriculum in late classical times had at its heart a system of grammatical study and linguistic analysis.[19] The core text for this study was the Aṣṭādhyāyī of Pāṇini, the sine qua non of learning.[20] This grammar of Pāṇini had been the object of intense study for the ten centuries prior to the composition of the Bhaṭṭikāvya. It was plainly Bhaṭṭi’s purpose to provide a study aid to Pāṇini’s text by using the examples already provided in the existing grammatical commentaries in the context of the gripping and morally improving story of the Rāmāyaṇa. To the dry bones of this grammar Bhaṭṭi has given juicy flesh in his poem. The intention of the author was to teach this advanced science through a relatively easy and pleasant medium. In his own words:

    This composition is like a lamp to those who perceive the meaning of words and like a hand mirror for a blind man to those without grammar. This poem, which is to be understood by means of a commentary, is a joy to those sufficiently learned: through my fondness for the scholar I have here slighted the dullard.
    Bhaṭṭikāvya 22.33–34.


    Ashtadhyayi Modern linguistics


    Pāṇini's work became known in 19th-century Europe, where it influenced modern linguistics initially through Franz Bopp, who mainly looked at Pāṇini. Subsequently, a wider body of work influenced Sanskrit scholars such as Ferdinand de Saussure, Leonard Bloomfield, and Roman Jakobson. Frits Staal (1930-2012) discussed the impact of Indian ideas on language in Europe. After outlining the various aspects of the contact, Staal notes that the idea of formal rules in language – proposed by Ferdinand de Saussure in 1894 and developed by Noam Chomsky in 1957 – has origins in the European exposure to the formal rules of Pāṇinian grammar.[citation needed] In particular, de Saussure, who lectured on Sanskrit for three decades, may have been influenced by Pāṇini and Bhartrihari; his idea of the unity of signifier-signified in the sign somewhat resembles the notion of Sphoṭa. More importantly, the very idea that formal rules can be applied to areas outside of logic or mathematics may itself have been catalyzed by Europe's contact with the work of Sanskrit grammarians.[21]


    Ashtadhyayi De Saussure

    Pāṇini, and the later Indian linguist Bhartrihari, had a significant influence on many of the foundational ideas proposed by Ferdinand de Saussure, professor of Sanskrit, who is widely considered the father of modern structural linguistics. Saussure himself cited Indian grammar as an influence on some of his ideas. In his Mémoire sur le système primitif des voyelles dans les langues indo-européennes (Memoir on the Original System of Vowels in the Indo-European Languages) published in 1879, he mentions Indian grammar as an influence on his idea that "reduplicated aorists represent imperfects of a verbal class." In his De l'emploi du génitif absolu en sanscrit (On the Use of the Genitive Absolute in Sanskrit) published in 1881, he specifically mentions Pāṇini as an influence on the work.[22]

    [23]


    Ashtadhyayi Leonard Bloomfield

    The founding father of American structuralism, Leonard Bloomfield, wrote a 1927 paper titled "On some rules of Pāṇini".[24]


    Ashtadhyayi Comparison with modern formal systems

    Pāṇini's grammar is the world's first formal system, developed well before the 19th century innovations of Gottlob Frege and the subsequent development of mathematical logic. In designing his grammar, Pāṇini used the method of "auxiliary symbols", in which new affixes are designated to mark syntactic categories and the control of grammatical derivations. This technique, rediscovered by the logician Emil Post, became a standard method in the design of computer programming languages.[25] Sanskritists now accept that Pāṇini's linguistic apparatus is well-described as an "applied" Post system. Considerable evidence shows ancient mastery of context-sensitive grammars, and a general ability to solve many complex problems. Frits Staal has written that "Panini is the Indian Euclid."


    Ashtadhyayi Other works


    Two literary works are attributed to Pāṇini, though they are now lost.

    • Jāmbavati Vijaya is a lost work cited by one Rajashekhar in Jahlana's Sukti Muktāvalī. A fragment is to be found in Ramayukta's commentary on Namalinganushasana. From the title it may be inferred that the work dealt with Krishna's winning of Jambavati in the underworld as his bride. Rajashekhara in Jahlana's Sukti Muktāvalī:
    नमः पाणिनये तस्मै यस्मादाविर भूदिह ।
    आदौ व्याकरणं काव्यमनु जाम्बवतीजयम्
    namaḥ pāṇinaye tasmai yasmādāvira bhūdiha ।
    ādau vyākaraṇaṃ kāvyamanu jāmbavatījayam
    • Ascribed to Pāṇini, Pātāla Vijaya is a lost work cited by Namisadhu in his commentary on Kavyalankara of Rudrata.

    Ashtadhyayi In popular culture


    India released a stamp in honor of Panini in 2004. There is also a Panini temple (Panini Smarak Mandir) in Kashi, built on soil brought from Panini's birthplace in Pakistan.[26]


    Ashtadhyayi See also



    Ashtadhyayi References


    1. ^ a b Frits Staal, Euclid and Pāṇini, Philosophy East and West, 1965; R. A. Jairazbhoy, On Mundkur on Diffusion, Current Anthropology (1979).
    2. ^ a b c d Sanskrit Literature The Imperial Gazetteer of India, v. 2 (1909), p. 263.
    3. ^ "Panini (Indian Grammarian)". www.britannica.com. Encyclopedia Britannica. 2013. Retrieved 24 January 2014. 
    4. ^ Staal, Frits (1988). Universals: studies in Indian logic and linguistics. University of Chicago Press. p. 47. 
    5. ^ Cardona, George (1998), Pāṇini: A Survey of Research, Motilal Banarsidass, p. 261, ISBN 978-81-208-1494-3 
    6. ^ "Aside from the more abstract considerations of long-distance artistic or philosophical influence, the concrete evidence we have for direct contact between Greeks and Indians is largely limited to the period between the third century BCE and first century CE.", 'Hellenistic India' by Rachel R. Mairs, University of Cambridge, p.2
    7. ^ Hartmut Scharfe (2002). Education in Ancient India.
    8. ^ a b c d Mishra, Giridhar (1981). "प्रस्तावना" [Introduction]. अध्यात्मरामायणेऽपाणिनीयप्रयोगाणां विमर्शः [Deliberation on non-Paninian usages in the Adhyatma Ramayana] (Ph.D.) (in Sanskrit). Varanasi, India: Sampurnanand Sanskrit University. Retrieved May 21, 2013. 
    9. ^ Shripad Krishna Belvalkar (1915). An account of the different existing systems of Sanskrit grammar.
    10. ^ Bhavánráv A. Pingle (1898). Indian music.
    11. ^ Singh, Nagendra Kr., ed. (1997), Encyclopaedia of Hinduism, New Delhi: Centre for International Religious Studies : Anmol Publications, pp. 1983–2007, ISBN 978-81-7488-168-7 
    12. ^ Dwivedi, Bhanwar Lal (1994). Evolution of educational thought in India. Northern Book Centre. p. 56. ISBN 9788172110598. 
    13. ^ George Cardona (1997). Pāṇini: a survey of research. The verse reads siṃho vyākaraṇasya kartur aharat prāṇān priyān pāṇineḥ "a lion took the life of the sage Panini, author of the grammatical treatise". The context is a list of scholars killed by animals, siṃho vyākaraṇasya kartur aharat prāṇān priyān pāṇineḥ / mīmāṃsākṛtam unmamātha sahasā hastī muniṃ jaiminim // chandojnānanidhim jaghāna makaro velātaṭe piṅgalam / ajñānāvṛtacetasām atiruṣāṃ ko'rthas tiraścām guṇaiḥ // "A lion killed Pāṇini, an elephant madly crushed Jaimini, Pingala was killed by a crocodile: What do senseless beasts care for scholarly attainments?" (Pañcatantra II.33, sometimes ascribed to Vallabhadeva) The New International Encyclopaedia [1][2][3][4]
    14. ^ Ministry of Communications & Information Technology, 30 August 2004 (Release ID 3583; Stamps 2004)
    15. ^ Jonardon Ganeri, Sanskrit Philosophical Commentary  "Udayana states that a technical treatise or śāstra, in any discipline, should aspire to clarity (vaiśadya), compactness (laghutā), and completeness (kṛtsnatā). A compilation of sūtras maximises compactness and completeness, at the expense of clarity. A bhāṣya is complete and clear, but not compact. A group of sūtras, a ‘section’ or prakaraṇa of the whole compilation, is clear and compact, but not complete. The sūtras achieve compactness i) by making sequence significant, ii) letting one item stand for or range over many, and iii) using grammar and lexicon artificially. The background model is always Pāṇini's grammar for the Sanskrit language, the Aṣṭādhyāyī, which exploits a range of brevity-enabling devices to compose what has often been described as the tersest and yet most complete grammar of any language." In the 1909 Imperial Gazetteer of India, it was still possible to describe it as "at once the shortest and the fullest grammar in the world" (vol. 2, p. 263). The monumental multi-volume grammars published in the 20th century (for Sanskrit, the Altindische Grammatik 1896–1957) of course set new standards in completeness, but the Ashtadhyayi remains unrivalled in terms of terseness.
    16. ^ Bloomfield, L., 1929, "Review of Liebich, Konkordanz Pāṇini-Candra," Language 5, 267–276.
    17. ^ Louis Renou & Jean Filliozat. L'Inde Classique, manuel des etudes indiennes, vol.II pp.86-90, École française d'Extrême-Orient, 1953, reprinted 2000. ISBN 2-85539-903-3.
    18. ^ Angot, Michel. L'Inde Classique, pp.213-215. Les Belles Lettres, Paris, 2001. ISBN 2-251-41015-5
    19. ^ Filliozat. 2002The Sanskrit Language: An Overview - History and Structure, Linguistic and Philosophical Representations, Uses and Users. Indica Books.
    20. ^ Fallon, Oliver. 2009. Bhatti’s Poem: The Death of Rávana (Bhaṭṭikāvya). New York: Clay Sanskrit Library[5]. ISBN 978-0-8147-2778-2 | ISBN 0-8147-2778-6 |
    21. ^ The science of language, Chapter 16, in Gavin D. Flood, ed. The Blackwell Companion to Hinduism Blackwell Publishing, 2003, 599 pages ISBN 0-631-21535-2, ISBN 978-0-631-21535-6. p. 357-358
    22. ^ a b George Cardona (2000), "Book review: Pâṇinis Grammatik", Journal of the American Oriental Society 120 (3): 464–5, JSTOR 606023 
    23. ^ D’Ottavi, Giuseppe (2013). "Paṇini et le Mémoire". Arena Romanistica 12: 164–193. 
    24. ^ Leonard Bloomfield (1927). "On some rules of Pāṇini". Journal of the American Oriental Society (American Oriental Society) 47: 61–70. doi:10.2307/593241. JSTOR 593241. 
    25. ^ Kadvany, John (2007), "Positional Value and Linguistic Recursion", Journal of Indian Philosophy 35: 587–520. 
    26. ^ http://news.oneindia.in/2007/01/05/pakistani-soil-for-dream-kashi-temple-1167988598.html

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